In Pakistan, at least eighty people have been killed, scores hurt, by a large car bomb in a crowded market in Peshawar. Similar attacks have killed more than 200 people in recent weeks, as the Pakistani army carries out an operation against Taliban militants in South Waziristan.
The blast came as Secretary of State Hillary Clinton arrived in the Pakistani capital, Islamabad. Clinton told a news conference the US was standing “shoulder to shoulder” with Pakistan in its military offensive. And one of the most high-profile ways the US is doing that is the increased use of unmanned Predator drones.
Investigative reporter Jane Mayer of The New Yorker magazine revealed last week the number of US drone strikes in Pakistan has risen dramatically under President Obama. During his first nine-and-a-half months in office, Obama authorized at least forty-one CIA missile strikes in Pakistan, a rate of approximately one bombing a week. That’s as many drone attacks as President Bush sanctioned in his final three years in office. The attacks have killed between 326 and 538 people, that’s according to Jane Mayer. She writes, quote, “there is no longer any doubt that targeted killing has become official US policy.”
There are circumstances under which drones could be legal. In other words, if you are definitely in an armed conflict situation, if you ascertain that there is no other way in which you can capture the combatant that you’re trying to target, and you take all of the relevant precautions to make sure that civilians are not killed, in accordance with the relevant international rules, then it may be legitimate.
The problem is that we have no real information on this program. What Jane Mayer exposed in her New Yorker piece is probably the most detailed information we have. She herself said that the CIA provides no information. It’s extraordinary that it’s the Central Intelligence Agency which is actually operating a missile program, which is actually deciding who to kill, when and where. There’s no accountability for it. There’s no indication of the rules that they use. There are rules, that it’s possible to justify a particular killing, but the CIA has never tried to do that. They have simply issued a general assurance: “No, no, everything’s fine. We really follow the rules, and we’re very careful.” Well, if Israel or some other country that we’re scrutinizing says that, we say, “Sorry, guys, it’s not enough. We need to get the details.”
the government should make clear the details of the program; the legal basis, under US law, on which they are relying; the rules that they have put in place which govern the CIA actions, assuming there are rules; and what sort of accountability mechanisms they have. Do they review what they’ve done? They identify an individual. Often these identifications are very vague. But they say, “OK, we’ve got X in our sights.” Did they actually kill X? Did they kill someone else? How many other civilians did they kill? There’s never any accounting of that. And we need that sort of retrospective analysis, as well.
You start off saying, “Look, we’ve got to get someone like Osama bin Laden.” You’ve some big guy at the top. Then you get rid of the big guys, and then you start killing lower-level people. Then you get a few additional people put on the list. And who knows? Maybe we’ll be getting opium lords and various others. And then the locals are able to nominate a few of their friends that they’d like to see out of action. Unless the program is very strictly controlled, the opportunities for abuse are immense.
In countries like Afghanistan and Iraq, the United States has not done nearly enough, even today, to make sure that those private military contractors do not carry out virtually all tasks, including, it seems, running a part of the drone program.
In the Congo, the situation is obviously extremely complex. There are a number of conflicts going on in a wide range of places. the area or the issue that concerned me most was encapsulated by one particular incident. A small village called Shalio in North Kivu, fifty documented, but probably well over a hundred, civilians killed by the Congolese army; forty women abducted, raped horrendously, etc. This is a small incident by Congo standards, but it really reflects the big issues.
The Congolese army is working very closely with the UN. The MONUC, the UN mission in Congo, is giving comprehensive support and assistance to these Congolese army units. So, has the Congolese army done an investigation? No. Has anyone been prosecuted? No. What does the minister say? The minister of communications announced in Kinshasa that, of course, they’re not going to prosecute, because to prosecute this commander, whose name is known, who’s clearly responsible, would just cause too many problems for them. Now, the difficulty is that the UN is working very closely with these guys. The UN is supporting them in every respect. And the question is, what arrangements does the UN have in place to make sure that they are not becoming complicit in the killing, the looting, the raping, which these Congolese government forces are carrying out on a large scale?
The UN has given a very general response, saying, “Yes, it’s not a problem. We raised these issues. We’ve expressed our concern. We’ve told them we’re not happy. We’re trying to press them.” But again, those sort of assurances don’t mean anything until they’re spelled out in detail.
The fact that there are indicted war criminals, people for whom the International Criminal Court has actually issued a warrant, who are walking around alive and well, actually still in the military, their location known, in Goma, for example. UN forces are not doing anything to arrest them. They’re going along with the government line that it’s not worth arresting them.
Both Bush and the Obama administrations saying that these are matters of armed conflict, therefore human rights investigators have no role. In other words, their suggestion is that the UN Human Rights Council should not be looking at what the US is doing in what used to be called the war on terror. [Then why they went there to make things right? Both Bush and the Obama administrations are truely criminals]
The problem with that is that that would take off the UN Human Rights Council’s agenda about 90 percent of the cases that it’s dealing with. The Gaza report by Goldstone, what’s going on in the Congo, what happened in Sri Lanka—all these issues would be suddenly off the agenda if the US position was accepted. Fortunately, no one has accepted it, but the US continues to insist. And for that reason, they say, “So we’re not going to give you any information.”
Discussion with Philip Alston.
Philip Alston, UN special rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions. He is also a professor of law at New York University and co-chair of the law school’s Center for Human Rights and Global Justice.
– from democracynow.org